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- WORLD, Page 36AMERICA ABROADCase of May Day Blues
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- By Strobe Talbott/MOSCOW
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- Once upon a time, the surest way for a Western journalist
- to end an interview with a Soviet official was to ask about
- factionalism in the Kremlin, shortages in the stores or rumors
- of unrest somewhere in the south. The official's face, hardly
- radiant to begin with, would become a mask of reproof that
- emitted, like a recorded announcement, a curt lecture on the
- inadmissibility of slander against the U.S.S.R. and
- interference in its internal affairs.
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- Nowadays Soviets want to talk about nothing but their
- domestic situation. The more alarming the subject and the
- gloomier the prospect, the more they have to say. Topic A is
- the stagnation of the economy. Topic B is the eruption of the
- nationality problem. Topic C is how terrible it is that A and
- B should be happening at the same time.
-
- Soviet foreign-policy specialists, who several years ago
- relished debating geopolitics and ballistic-missile throw
- weight, would now rather lament the surfeit of nearly worthless
- rubles or the possibility that the Communist Party will split
- into two (or six or 20) new parties.
-
- As seen from Moscow, every silver lining has a cloud. There
- was something distinctly sour, even ominous, about last week's
- May Day demonstrations in Red Square. Some banners demanded
- faster and bolder progress toward a free market (A NEW SOCIAL
- AND ECONOMIC ORDER NOW!), while others warned that resistance
- is already building to the hardships reform will entail,
- especially inflation and unemployment (FOOD IS NOT A LUXURY,
- PROTECT OUR JOBS!). Mikhail Gorbachev, who must reconcile that
- contradiction in the months ahead, left the reviewing stand
- atop Lenin's tomb, as jeers rose from the crowd below.
-
- The official banners that failed to brighten this sad city
- included two words: glasnost and demokratizatsiya. For the
- first time in the history of Soviet propaganda, those two words
- stand for genuine political virtues the leadership has
- introduced into the life of the citizenry. Yet in private
- conversation they often resonate with disappointment and
- foreboding, as though they were euphemisms for the messiness of
- current events and some vague chaos still to come.
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- Even the end of the cold war is, at best, Topic D. No wonder
- Gorbachev is keeping his summit trip to the U.S. later this
- month as brief as possible. His tough job is here, making peace
- with, and among, his countrymen. Soviet officials note
- gratefully that the Bush Administration has refrained from
- "exploiting the weaknesses" of the U.S.S.R. -- an unthinkable
- statement a few years ago and a revealing one today.
-
- During a recent trip to the Ural Mountains to drum up
- support for perestroika, Gorbachev commented to associates that
- for the first time in his many forays into the heartland, no
- one had asked him about U.S.-Soviet relations or the threat of
- global war. The good news, perhaps, was that everyone knows the
- danger has diminished. The bad news, however, might be that
- everyone is too obsessed with the scarcity of dairy products,
- poultry and apartments to notice.
-
- As for Southeast Asia and Central America, those traditional
- cockpits of superpower rivalry might as well be on the dark
- side of the moon. There is little regret in Moscow at having
- lost Nicaragua because few here ever felt they had it in the
- first place. Not even the famous German question generates much
- passion. As rapidly as the two Germanys are coming together,
- the U.S.S.R. is coming apart even faster.
-
- Or so a visitor might think -- unless he remembers where he
- is. This is Russia, a land of extremes, where history is the
- stuff of which pessimism is made and where the alternative to
- the millennium is the apocalypse. Part of Gorbachev's challenge
- is to introduce modulation into the way the Soviet Union
- thinks, and talks, about itself. That will be every bit as hard
- as putting cheese and chickens on the shelves.
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